Charter Public Schools Give Detroit Schoolchildren Hope
Stanford University study finds charter pupils gain an extra three months of learning
On a National Assessment of Educational Progress test given to urban students a few years ago, Detroit Public Schools students scored the lowest ever measured in the nation.
Or, in the words of one urban education expert: "They are barely above what one would expect simply by chance, as if the kids simply guessed at the answers."
But thanks to school choice, there may finally be hope.
Detroit school children are learning at a rate of an extra three months in school a year when in charter public schools compared to similar counterparts in conventional Detroit Public Schools, according to the findings of a Center for Research on Education Outcomes (CREDO) study done by Stanford University on students in the Detroit area.
Charter public schools in Detroit give parents an educational option for their children that previously didn't exist. Charter public schools in Detroit enroll 47,000 students, the third highest charter enrollment in the country behind Los Angeles and New York. DPS has an enrollment of about 66,600 students.
"While on average the Detroit charter students have higher learning gains than their traditional school counterparts, when we look at the school results, only about half of the Detroit charter schools perform significantly better than their local alternative," said Dev Davis, research manager for CREDO at Stanford University.
Andy Smarick, a partner at the Bellwether Education Partners, a non-profit organization that works to improve education for low-income students, says that charter public schools should replace the urban school district.
Smarick said that high performing charter schools are encouraged to expand and replicate. Schools that persistently fail are closed. New schools are regularly created.
"This is a continuous improvement cycle that happens year after year to ensure that we continually grow the number of high-performing seats," Smarick wrote. " …. The traditional urban school district is broken. It cannot be fixed. But, thank goodness, it can be replaced."
Like conventional public schools, some charter public schools do better than others.
"There are more than 40 elementary and middle charter public schools in Detroit that are not authorized by DPS. On average, students at those schools appear to do better on state standardized tests," said Audrey Spalding, an education policy analyst at the Mackinac Center for Public Policy. "However, 15 identified independent Detroit city charter public high schools did less well. Michigan Merit Exam scores for the 2012 school year show that on four out of five subject areas, DPS students on average outscored students in Detroit charter public schools. This may be because charter public schools serve more students from low-income backgrounds. Both a Stanford University study and a report prepared for the State Board of Education found that Michigan charter schools serve more students from low-income and minority backgrounds."
Michael Van Beek, education policy director at the Mackinac Center for Public Policy, said the CREDO report was significant because it looked at individual students who were making larger learning gains. The study matched students of the same education-level, race, gender, poverty level, English language learner status, special education status and other areas and tracked their progress for years.
"That's what matters," Van Beek said.
However, not everyone agrees that charter public schools are helping.
Kristen McDonald, a program director at the Skillman Foundation, which is a grant making foundation focused on Detroit schools, said Detroit children are not necessarily served better by charter public schools.
"Detroit children are best served by the schools that have high-quality teaching and learning and a commitment to getting kids to college," McDonald said. "There are far too few schools anywhere in the city meeting this standard — charter or traditional. What we know is that few of our charters are making significant gains in graduating students from high school and moving them on to college in very high numbers. The academic rigor that adequately prepares students to succeed once they get there is still a challenge.”
Michigan Capitol Confidential is the news source produced by the Mackinac Center for Public Policy. Michigan Capitol Confidential reports with a free-market news perspective.
Medicaid Expansion: Beware of Obamacare 'Gifts'
If it sounds too good to be true ...
Michigan Gov. Rick Snyder is recommending that the state undertake a huge expansion of Medicaid, something originally mandated by Obamacare but made optional by the Supreme Court's ruling on the law last June.
Medicaid is a government welfare program that reimburses medical costs incurred by people below the poverty line, and is paid for by a combination of state and federal money.
If Michigan expands the program, the feds will pick up 100 percent of the cost for the first three years, and then gradually reduce this until the state is on the hook for 10 percent starting in 2020. The state would also be able to offload some spending now covered by Michigan taxpayers onto federal taxpayers.
If Michigan does not expand the program, families with incomes between 100 percent and 133 percent of the poverty level would be able to get regular insurance policies essentially at no cost to themselves through the Obamacare "exchange" the feds will set up here. Unlike Medicaid, this entire cost comes out of the federal budget.* Families below the poverty line would still be eligible for Medicaid, as they are currently.
Most policymakers are treating the decision as a simple arithmetic problem in which all the variables are known, and the answer comes from just adding them up. Here’s what that equation looks like:
State's share of the Medicaid expansion costs
x Number of new individuals enrolled
x Cost-per-individual
= $Y
As long as "Y" is less than the amount the state can save by offloading some current health-related spending onto the feds, then state spending goes down,** freeing up dollars that Lansing politicians can spend somewhere else.
The flaw in this arithmetic approach is that the equation's variables are subject to great uncertainty, and if anything are likely to move in the wrong direction for state budget purposes.
For example, Gov. Snyder is relying on projections that 470,000 people eventually will be covered by the expansion. If the figure is much higher, then Michigan's budget takes a hit — potentially a very large hit.
And there's good reason to suspect this is exactly what will happen. A 2011 study by Boston University scholars projects "high rates of crowdout for Medicaid expansions aimed at working adults (82%), suggesting that the Medicaid expansion provisions of PPACA will shift workers and their families from private to public insurance without reducing the number of uninsured very much."
The government bureaucrats responsible for that 470,000 new enrollees estimate almost certainly have not adequately factored this crowdout effect into their calculations. That's because they tend to rely on static analyses, which assume individuals and employers won't behave much differently after the implementation of a massive new social welfare program.
Legislators should carefully consider the validity of this assumption.
They should also be highly suspicious of federal promises to cover 90 percent of the expansion's cost after the first few years. This isn't mere speculation — President Obama has already signaled that increasing states' Medicaid share is in the administration's playbook. He did so by recommending a lower Medicaid "blended rate" in his last two annual budget recommendations.
The details are complicated, but the center-left Center for Budget and Policy Priorities summed it up by saying the change "would reduce federal Medicaid expenditures by reducing the federal share of Medicaid and CHIP costs, shifting costs to states…"
Yet these factors are almost completely absent from the discussions in Lansing and media reports. This may be because practically all the information being shared with Michigan policymakers and the public on the issue comes from two sources with strong incentives for wanting the expansion regardless of its impact on future state budgets.
The first are state and federal government bureaucrats, who naturally look favorably upon a massive expansion of the program they run. The other are hospitals and their lobbyists, who covet the huge increase in taxpayer dollars heading their way if the states choose the expansion.
Legislators should be extremely skeptical about the guesstimates both groups are representing as solid projections. They should also be cautious of the short-term spending bias of many of their (term-limited) colleagues on the appropriations committees, who may care more about the spending opportunities created by shifting some costs to the feds in the short term, and less about the longer-term consequences for state taxpayers after they have left office.
The long-gone lawmakers who authorized Michigan's original entry into the Medicaid program had no idea they were creating a monster that would consume state budgets for decades to come. It's unlikely many current legislators would be willing to bet their own money that history won't repeat itself this time around.
Expanding Medicaid is optional, and nothing in the federal health care law prevents Michigan from waiting a few years to decide. In contrast, no one disputes the political reality that once the expansion happens there's no going back.
The prudent course for Michigan legislators is still to "just say no" to the expansion, at least until we see how the Obamacare implementation plays out over the next year.
*Lansing politicians don’t talk about the extra money we and our descendants must send to Washington to cover all this extra spending. In contrast, many of their constituents are deeply concerned about this. Those citizens will be interested to learn that the Congressional Budget Office estimates that the states which have elected not to expand Medicaid will reduce the deficit by $84 billion.
**If the state does not expand Medicaid, this creates a “donut hole” of childless adults with incomes below 100 percent of the poverty level: They aren’t eligible for “exchange” subsidies, and aren’t eligible for Medicaid unless the state goes along with the expansion. Shifting current state mental health spending on this population to the feds accounts for much of the “savings” that would accrue from the Medicaid expansion.
Michigan Capitol Confidential is the news source produced by the Mackinac Center for Public Policy. Michigan Capitol Confidential reports with a free-market news perspective.
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